Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) (CRS Report for Congress)
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Release Date |
Revised March 10, 2017 |
Report Number |
R44754 |
Report Type |
Report |
Authors |
Weiss, Martin A. |
Source Agency |
Congressional Research Service |
Older Revisions |
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Summary:
In October 2013, at the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation Summit in Bali, Indonesia, China
proposed creating a new multilateral development bank (MDB), the Asian Infrastructure
Investment Bank (AIIB). As its name suggests, the Bank's stated purpose is to provide financing
for infrastructure needs throughout Asia, as well as in neighboring regions. As of January 2017,
the AIIB has approved nine projects, investing a total of $1.7 billion.
The AIIB was formally established in late 2015 with 57 founding members. Membership in the
AIIB is open to all members of the World Bank or the Asian Development Bank (ADB). The
AIIB’s Articles of Agreement create two classes of membership: regional and non-regional
members. According to the AIIB Articles, regional members hold 75% of the total voting power
in the Bank. Fourteen of the G-20 nations are AIIB members. The United States is not an AIIB
member.
The AIIB was initially conceived as a regional financing mechanism for Chinese President Xi
Jinping’s “One Belt, One Road (OBOR)” initiative. This initiative is a central component of
President Xi’s regional economic and foreign policy and aims to boost economic connectivity
from China to Central and South Asia, the Middle East and Europe (the Silk Road Economic
Belt) and, along a maritime route, from Southeast Asia to the Middle East, Africa, and Europe
(the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road). President Xi, more so than previous Chinese leaders, has
pursued policies to establish new China-led trade and financial institutions, as well as to further
integrate China within the existing international financial institutions. President Xi said that the
AIIB would “promote interconnectivity and economic integration in the region” and “cooperate
with existing multilateral development banks,” including the World Bank and the ADB.
As AIIB membership has expanded to include developed countries in Asia and Europe (and
possibly Canada), China has since tried to distance the AIIB from the OBOR initiative through
co-financing arrangements for its initial loans. It is uncertain how China will balance its stated
goal of establishing an independent and high-standard MDB, while pursuing China’s own
economic and national security priorities.
The AIIB's initial total capital is $100 billion, with 20% paid-in and 80% callable. China is
contributing $50 billion, half of the initial subscribed capital. India is the second-largest
shareholder, contributing $8.4 billion. The Bank is based in Beijing, China and headed by Jin
Liqun, a former Chinese vice minister of finance, Chinese sovereign wealth fund chairman, and
ADB vice president.
China's voting share at the AIIB (28.7%) is substantially larger than that of the second-largest
AIIB member nation, India (8.3%). This is the largest gap between the first- and second-largest
shareholders at any existing MDB. The AIIB has a governance structure similar to other MDBs,
with two key differences: (1) it does not have a resident board of executive directors that
represents member countries' interests on a day-to-day basis; and (2) the AIIB gives more
decisionmaking authority to regional countries and the largest shareholder, China.
The AIIB presents several policy issues for Members of Congress to consider, including:
the future direction of the AIIB and potential U.S. role, including the question of
whether the United States should join and U.S. policy toward the new institution;
independence, transparency and governance of the bank and implications for
other MDBs, particularly projects that are co-financed with other MDBs; and
commercial implications for U.S. firms, including procurement opportunities.